| Unit 7: Renaissance / Italian City-States |
| The Discovery of the Modern State and Individual |
| From Jacob Burckhardt. The Civilization of the Period of the Renaissance in Italy. trans. S.G.C. Middlemore, ed. S.G.C. Middlemore (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1878), 3-320. |
To each eye, perhaps, the outlines of a given civilization present a different picture; and in treating of a civilization which is the mother of our own, and whose influence is still at work among us, it is unavoidable that individual judgment and feeling should tell every moment both on the writer and on the reader. In the wide ocean upon which we venture, the possible ways and directions are many; and the same studies which have served for this work might easily, in other hands, not only receive a wholly different treatment and application, but lead also to essentially different conclusions. Such indeed is the importance of the subject, that it calls for fresh investigation, and may be studied with advantage from the most varied points of view. ... It is the most serious difficulty of the history of civilization that a great intellectual process must be broken up into single, and often into what seem arbitrary categories, in order to be in any way intelligible. ... The struggle between the Popes and the Hohenstaufen left Italy in a political condition which differed essentially from that of other countries in the West. While in France, Spain, and England the feudal system was so organized that, at the close of its existence, it was naturally transformed into a unified monarchy, and while in Germany it helped to maintain, at least outwardly, the unity of the empire, Italy had shaken it off almost entirely. The Emperors of the fourteenth century, even in the most favorable case, were no longer received and respected as feudal lords, but as possible leaders and supporters of powers already in existence; while the Papacy, with its creatures and allies, was strong enough to hinder national unity in the future, it was not strong enough itself to bring about that unity. Between the two lay a multitude of political units--republics and despots--in part of long standing, in part of recent origin, whose existence was founded simply on their power to maintain it. In them for the first time we detect the modern political spirit of Europe, surrendered freely to its own instincts, often displaying the worst features of an unbridled egotism, outraging every right, and killing every germ of a healthier culture. But, wherever this vicious tendency is overcome or in any way compensated, a new fact appears in history--the state as the outcome of reflection and calculation, the state as a work of art. This new life displays itself in a hundred forms, both in the republican and in the despotic states, and determines their inward constitution, no less than their foreign policy. ...
The tyrannies ... of the fourteenth century [in Italy], ... [a]s states depending for their existence on themselves alone, and scientifically organized with a view to this object, ... present to us a higher interest than that of mere narrative. The deliberate adaptation of means to ends, of which no prince outside of Italy had at that time a conception, joined to almost absolute power within the limits of the state, produced among the despots both men and modes of life of a peculiar character.
In the character of these states, whether of republics or despotisms, lies, not the only, but the chief reason for the early development of the Italian. To this it is due that he was the first-born among the sons of modern Europe. In the Middle Ages both sides of human consciousness--that which was turned within and that which was turned without--lay dreaming or half-awake beneath a common veil. The veil was woven of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession, through which the world and history were seen clad in strange hues. Man was conscious of himself only as a member of a race, people, party family, or corporation--only through some general category. In Italy this veil first melted into air; an objective treatment and consideration of the State and of all the things of this world became possible. The subjective side at the same time asserted itself with corresponding emphasis; man became a spiritual individual, and recognized himself as such. In the same way the Greek had once distinguished himself from the barbarian, and the Arabian had felt himself an individual at a time when other Asiatics knew themselves only as members of a race. It will not be difficult [however,] to show that this result [i.e., the birth of the modern individual] was owing above all to the political circumstances of Italy.
Despotism, [for example] ... fostered in the highest degree the individuality not only of the tyrant or Condottiere himself, but also of the men whom he protected or used as his tools--the secretary, minister, poet, and companion. These people were forced to know all the inward resources of their own nature, passing or permanent; and their enjoyment of life was enhanced and concentrated by the desire to obtain the greatest satisfaction from a possibly very brief period of power and influence. But even the subjects whom they ruled over were not free from the same impulse. ... [F]or political impotence does not hinder the different tendencies and manifestations of private life from thriving to the fullest vigor and variety. ... The private man, indifferent to politics, and busied partly with serious pursuits, partly with the interests of a dilettante, seems to have been first fully formed in these despotisms of the fourteenth century [in Italy]. ... [I]n the republican cities ... circumstances were also, but in another way, favorable to the growth of individual character. The more frequently the governing party was changed, the more the individual was led to make the utmost of the exercise and enjoyment of power. The statesmen and popular leaders, especially in Florentine history, acquired so marked a personal character, that we can scarcely find, even exceptionally, a parallel to them in contemporary history. ...
The cosmopolitanism which grew up in the most gifted circles is in itself a high stage of individualism. Dante . . . finds a new home in the language and culture of Italy, but goes beyond even this in the words, "My country is the whole world."
Freed from the countless bonds which elsewhere in Europe checked progress, having reached a high degree of individual development and been schooled by the teachings of antiquity, the Italian mind now turned to the discovery of the outward universe, and to the representation of it in speech and in form. On the journeys of the Italians to distant parts of the world, we can here make but a few general observations. The crusades had opened up unknown distances to the European mind, and awakened ... the passion for travel and adventure. It may be hard to indicate precisely the point where this passion allied itself with, or became the servant of, the thirst for knowledge; but it was in Italy that this was first and most completely the case. Even in the crusades the interest of the Italians was wider than that of other nations, since they already were a naval power and had commercial relations with the East. From time immemorial the Mediterranean sea had given to the nations that dwelt on its shores mental impulses different from those which governed the people of the North; and never, from the very structure of their character, could the Italians be adventurers in the sense which the word bore among the Teutons. ... The true discoverer ... is not the man who first chances to stumble upon anything, but the man who finds what he has sought. Such a one alone stands in a link with the thoughts and interests of his predecessors, and this relationship will also determine the account he gives of his search. For which reason the Italians ... retain their title to be pre-eminently the nation of discoverers for the whole latter part of the Middle Ages. |
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