| Unit 3: Ancient Rome / Roman Peace |
| Not so Happy and Prosperous |
| From Isaac, Benjamin. The Limits of Empire: The Roman Army in the East. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 1-3, 419. |
| The traditional view of the Roman empire holds that the republic was a period of expansion, the principiate one of successful defence against barbarian attack, the late empire one of less succesful defence and retrenchment. Past generations could look upon the growth of the empire with admiration, free from moral qualms. European imperialists were convinced that it was a good thing for a civilization they considered superior (their own as well as Rome) to rule barbaric natives. Both the republic and the principiate were admirable, the republic as a period of dynamic expansion, the principiate as one of stability and defence of what had been achieved. In our time of doubts, anguish, and egalitarianism it is no longer easy to admire an expanding empire. Self-determination is held to be a right. Infringement of that right is seen as immoral. Accordingly, views of the Roman republic are now ambiguous. That leaves us with the Roman Peace of the principiate as an object of admiration. From the moment when Augustus put a stop to expansion the empire became laudable in modern eyes, for it defended civilization against the barbarians and thus laid the basis for our own achievements. In fact this is not true for Augustus. . . . [His] period, in spirit as in fact, was one of aggressive expansion. Even so, however, the old view of the principiate after his time still persists. One of the achievements of the principiate is held to be the development of a system of frontier defence that allowed the citizens of the empire to live in peace and quiet. . . . The frontier also is considered a suitable object for comparison with the frontiers of modern states organized to keep out the armies of neighboring states. The Roman empire grew by conquering and absorbing neighboring peoples, one after the other. The subjects in the provinces lost their identity as peoples and became, if they were lucky, Roman citizens. All this was ignored by the older scholars who identified with empire builders and admired Rome. Modern Europeans, on the other hand, who disapprove of foreign conquest and the suppression of liberty, still find much to praise in the principiate because it is assumed to be a period of defence of the provinces against barbarian invaders, since modern states may legitimately defend their borders against attack. . . . It is often ignored by Roman historians that the forces of an empire never have the sole duty of defending the border. They are armies of conqest and occupation, as well as defence. The work of an army of occupation is basically different from that of a fighting army, but there is not usually a single, clear-cut process of reorganization which marks the transition. The work of an occupying army is rarely morally edifying in terms of military glory or plain human decency. It requires very special checks and balances for an occupation to be civilized in modern terms. These did not exist in the Roman empire. Roman historians should not overlook the fact that the Roman army was in many areas and periods an army of occupation or an internal police force and should try to realize the consequences of this for those who suffered occupation. A further essential function of the Roman army was the maintenance in power of the ruler. The many civil wars that were fought cannot simply be treated as so many irregularities. They were the result of a situation in which only the army kept an emperor in power and only a rival with an army could bring him down. A view often encountered in histories of the Roman empire is that Rome, in the first and second centuries, created static lines of defence and thus passed to a rigid strategic defensive. As a result the 'barbarians' slowly gained the initiative. . . . [But the] political boundary of the empire was irrelevant as a concept, and the military boundary was never organized as a 'line of defence.' The limits of the empire, if at all defined, were expressed in terms of power and military action. The only clearly demarcated boundaries were those of the provinces. . . . A related subject is the offensive or defensive character of Roman diplomacy and warfare. It is often very hard to determine whether an army is engaged in defence or offence. . . . Historians of the principiate often assume that every move by the Romans was aimed at establishing a secure frontier. Even if it were true . . . that is a view which oversimplifies. Two parties are needed to fight a war, and both have motives. While a war is being fought the aims of both sides will change in accordance with developments in the field, and whatever is achieved may be completely different from what was anticipated. There is scope for revision of our views of the aim of Roman frontier policy, the means of carrying it out, and the influence thereof on the life of the population. Ever since Gibbon, historians have been attempting to explain the decline and fall of the Roman empire. . . . It may, however, be worth considering that we need to know more of the empire as it functioned before we can tell why it ceased to do so. |
By permission of Oxford University Press |
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